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Category: Book Review (Page 4 of 7)

Clearing the Way for Reformed-Orthodox Dialogue on Icons

 

Book Review: Early Christian Attitudes toward Images by Steven Bigham (1 of 4)

attitudes_imagesIn recent years icons have become a matter of public debate among Protestants and Evangelicals, and Orthodox Christians.  Where in the past Protestants thought of icons as an Orthodox peculiarity or a quaint dispute quickly passed over in church history class, they are coming to grips with the fact that icons present a serious theological challenge to their theology.  In addition to the discovery that a rereading of Scripture from a different angle can lead to a solid biblical basis for icons, they must also grapple with the implications that ripple out from the historic role of icons in the early Church.   Cardinal John Henry Newman’s quip: “”To be deep in history is to cease to be Protestant” might be more true than most have considered!  [See my articles: “How an Icon Brought a Calvinist to Orthodoxy” and “The Biblical Basis for Icons.”]

In the recent dialogue between Protestants and Orthodox over icons both sides have appealed to evidence from early Christianity.  One of the challenges in this conversation has been unfamiliarity with early Christian sources on the part of some participants.  Oftentimes it seems that those opposed to icons find some surprising evidence from early sources that appear to refute the Christian use of icons.  What is needed is a comprehensive overview of early Christian sources on the use of images in worship.  Steven Bigham’s Early Christian Attitudes toward Images (2004) seems to fit the bill.

The purpose of this review is to assess Bigham’s book in terms of its usefulness to the Reformed-Orthodox dialogue on the use of icons in Christian worship.  I plan to review Bigham’s book in four installments.

Overview

Given the highly charged nature of the topic it is important that we put out certain facts on the table at the outset.  Father Steven Bigham, Ph.D., is an Orthodox priest serving the Carpatho-Russian diocese in Montreal, Canada.  The book is published by the Orthodox Research Institute.  In his preface Bigham gives the book’s objective: “Eliminate once and for all the idea that the Christians of the first centuries were iconophobic.”  Thus, Bigham’s book is an unabashed Orthodox apologia for icons.

While many of our readers hold strong theological convictions, I am confident that they are likewise committed to the use of critical reason and evidence based approach to forming of their faith convictions.  In other words, we are not trapped by partisan categories; rather through an evidence-based approach one can come to a critically informed position on icons one way or the other.  The primary criterion driving this review is historical.  That is, how comprehensive is Bigham’s survey of the evidence from early the Christian period?  How balanced is Bigham’s assessment of the evidence?  How significant a contribution can the book make to the Reformed-Orthodox dialogue?

The book is divided into four chapters.  Chapter 1 deals with the “hostility theory” which holds that the early Christians were hostile toward images.  Chapter 2 deals with early Jewish attitudes toward images.  Chapter 3 deals with the early Christian attitudes towards images, that is, the pre-Constantinian period.  Chapter 4 deals with Eusebius of Caesarea who witnessed the beginning of Constantinian era.

The Hostility Theory

The argument against icons has taken several forms.  One major line of attack has been biblical, giving special attention to the Second Commandment.  Another has been a historical argument against icons.  The “hostility theory” proposes: (1) that first century Judaism was aniconic or iconoclastic, (2) the early Church reflecting its Jewish roots was likewise aniconic or iconoclastic, and (3) the incorporation of images can be attributed to Christianity’s assimilation into Roman society under Emperor Constantine.  For the reader’s convenience Bigham presents a lengthy excerpt that exemplifies the hostility theory (see pp. 2-3).

Bigham conducted a  literature review that shows much of the hostility theory can be traced to nineteenth century liberal Protestantism.  The contention here is that the modern historians invented the early Christians hostility towards images.  In his assessment Bigham notes that the theory assumes the absence of images in first century Judaism and that this theory has been weakened by recent archaeological findings of images used in connection with Jewish religious life.

When the hostility theory was being developed, our knowledge of ancient Judaism was much more limited than it is today.  The artistic monuments we know today were all still underground.  It is easy to see why no one questioned the notion that Judaism was monolithically iconophobic, but throughout the 20th century, our accepted ideas about the attitudes and the practices of ancient Judaism have gone through a radical revision and this especially as a result of recent archaeological discoveries.  Once again, artistic monuments, this time Jewish ones, have challenged the advocates of the hostility theory to reconcile the supposed Jewish aniconia and iconophobia with the Jewish artistic monuments found in the archaeological digs (Bigham p. 6).

Bigham examines the recent archaeological finding in Chapter 2.  But issue before us here is the way the hostility theory is framed.  It is important to keep in mind that much of the recent Protestant opposition to icons has been influenced by nineteenth century Christian liberalism and is thus markedly different from the iconoclasm of the seventh and eighth centuries, and from the iconoclasm in Calvin’s Institutes.  By deconstructing modern Protestant iconoclasm Bigham has made a substantial contribution to Reformed-Orthodox dialogue.  His analysis enables us to become critically aware of the issues and assumptions that unite us and divide us.  All too often it has been the hidden assumptions that have derailed inter-faith dialogue.  This creates a window of opportunity for two different theological tradition to converse with each other with understanding and empathy.

Image versus Idol

Another important task Bigham carries out in Chapter 1 is drawing the distinction between image and idol.  The term “image” covers a wide range of meaning.  Image can mean: (1) image of pagan deities, (2) religious art in the Mosaic Tabernacle and later Jewish temples, (3) decorative art in Jewish life, and (4) religious art used in Christian worship.   This distinction is important for how we understand the prohibition in the Second Commandment.  An awareness of these conceptual categories helps in the assessment of historical and archaeological evidences.

One frequent problem I’ve noticed is the tendency by some to interpret the Second Commandment as a blanket prohibition against any and all images.  These critics then take early sources that denounce the use of images in pagan worship and apply them to the use of images in worship in Christian worship.  The issue here is not pagan religions, but worship in the Jewish and Christian traditions.  Leaving out irrelevant ancient sources critical of pagan idolatry reduces the amount considerably leaving us to consider relevant evidences.  And even when those who oppose icons do find ancient sources critical of the use of images in Christian worship they must show that these are not isolated individual instances but part of a broader consensus opposed to the use of images in Christian worship.  So far they have failed to do this.

Differing Understandings of Tradition

Another frequent problem in the dialogue between Orthodox and Protestant dialogue is the disparate understandings of Tradition.  Some Protestants assume that for Orthodox Christians Tradition is static, allowing no room for development.  This is not the case.  Bigham counters that stereotype noting:

Few defenders of the idea of Tradition claim that nothing has changed since the beginning of the Church, and everyone recognizes that all the changes that have taken place have not necessarily been for the good.  . . . .  A healthy doctrine of Holy Tradition makes a place for changes, and even corruption and restoration, throughout history while still affirming an essential continuity and purity.  This concept is otherwise known as indefectibility: the gates of hell will not prevail against the Church.  This theoretical framework, indefectibility, takes change and evolution into account but denies that there has been or can be a rupture or corruption of Holy Tradition itself (p. 15).

This description of Tradition as dynamic and organic with an element of continuity and fidelity is helpful for both Orthodox and Reformed Christians.  It recognizes Orthodoxy being situated in the messiness of human history.  It allows for Orthodox Christology existing alongside early heresies like Docetism, Arianism, and Apollinarianism without undermining the notion of theological orthodoxy.  The presence of early Christological heresies does not mean the early Church did not believe in Christ’s divinity or in the Trinity.  The Church had always held to these beliefs, but was forced by these heresies to articulate her beliefs with precision using “invented” terms like: Trinity, homoousions (consubstantial), and creatio ex nihilo (creation out of nothing).  The Reformed tradition’s understanding of the Trinity and Christology imply an acceptance of historical development in early Christianity.  A rigid and static approach to Christian tradition would require the jettisoning of important theological terms like: Trinity, hypostasis (person), ousia (being), and homoousios (of the same Essence).  No serious Protestant would dare take this position!

Most Protestant and Reformed approaches to this messy historic traditioning process all too often default to ahistoric propositional reductionism. The propositional reductionisms in their confessions fail miserably to deal rigorously with how the Church under the guidance of the Holy Spirit applied the implications of Christological dogmas. Thus, Protestant ecclesiology and its understanding of history seem void of any consideration of the Holy Spirit’s presence in the early Church and in lives of the church fathers. This tendency can be seen not only in the icon debate, but also with respect to the formation of the biblical canon.  The Holy Scripture so revered by Protestants and Reformed Christians is the result of several centuries’ long process in which the Church guided by the Holy Spirit determined which writings can be deemed divinely inspired and authoritative.  But when we read Reformed confessional documents we find only ahistoric assertions about the nature and makeup of the Bible.  It is as if the Bible miraculously appeared out heaven and landed in the early Church in leather bound version with all 66 books neatly listed with little or no human involvement in the making and shaping of the biblical canon.

The Orthodox affirmation of the historical development of Tradition is based on Christ’s promise that he would send the Holy Spirit who would guide the Church into all truth (John 16:13).  The historical development of Tradition is like a tiny young sapling that grows over time into a big mature tree (Matthew 13:31-32).  Bigham writes about the growth and development of the role of art in Christian Tradition:

Nevertheless, once adopted, Christian art became such an important support to the proclamation of the Gospel that its conscious rejection had very serious repercussions.  With time, the Church invested so much energy in its sacred art that a simple custom became an essential witness to the preaching of the Gospel.  Once again, images are not necessary as are baptism, the eucharist, the doctrines of the Trinity or the divinity of Christ, etc. without which we cannot even conceive of Christianity as we know it now.  Images became essential, in item and through the blood of the martyrs, because their rejection implied a weakening or even a denial of the Incarnation itself (p. 18).

Bigham here presents Tradition as concentric circles.  There is the essential core consisting of the Gospel, the Trinity, and the Eucharist, and an outer layer of practices like the use of incense, holy images, and church buildings.  While the outer layer is ‘less’ important, the organic nature of Orthodox Tradition is such that it is practically impossible to separate the various constituent elements.  Over time as the liturgical life of the Church flourished and as the early controversies led to a deeper appreciation of the Incarnation the role of images in Christian worship underwent a profound change.

It is important that any Protestant critique of Orthodoxy have an appreciation of Orthodoxy’s complex and nuanced approach to Tradition.  Failure to do so will result in the projecting of popular stereotypes on a venerable theological tradition. In short, a Protestant apologist presuming that for Orthodoxy Tradition is static will end up setting up a straw man argument.  This is shoddy apologetics and hinders Reformed-Orthodox dialogue.

Icons and Apostolicity

Both those favor icons and those who oppose them argue from apostolic continuity. Those who oppose icons argue that they represent a lost apostolic Tradition, that the early Christians did not use images in worship, and that the introduction of images into Christian worship represent a rupture that require a return to the original apostolic Tradition.  Those favoring icons likewise argue from Tradition asserting there was no break in apostolic Tradition, that there exists a fundamental continuity between the early Christians and Orthodox veneration of icons.  For theologically conservative Christians, both Protestant and Orthodox, apostolicity is essential to authentic Christianity.  This gives them common ground as opposed to modernism. For theological liberals fidelity to apostolic tradition is less crucial than evolutionary adaptation to society.  If Reformed theology rests on a flawed historiography then Reformed Christians need to seriously reconsider the implications of icons for apostolicity and authentic Christianity.

Conclusion

The work done by Father Steven Bigham in Chapter 1 will make a valuable contribution to Reformed-Orthodox dialogue.  The care and attention which he gives to the issues underlying the recent icon controversy will assist both sides.  The Reformed-Orthodox dialogue on icons is far from over and has only just begun.  This book is recommended for both Reformed and Orthodox Christians.

Robert Arakaki

Book Review: Saints and Scoundrels by Robin Phillips

 [Revised 7 November 2012]

It is a distressing fact that many Protestants nowadays are ignorant or indifferent about church history.  This mindset is dangerous on several levels.  One, it in effect denies God’s role as the Creator and Sustainer of his creation.  Two, it denies that there is a moral dimension to history.  Three, it implicitly denies that God is at work redemptively giving human history purpose and meaning.  And four, it assumes a spirit/matter dualism that closely resembles the ancient heresy of Gnosticism.

Order Book from Canon Press

 

It has been a pleasure interacting with Robin Phillips through this blog.  I especially appreciate his articles on Protestantism’s vulnerability to the Gnostic heresy.  He recently published Saints and Scoundrels: From King Herod to Solzhenitsyn through Canon Press.  The book seems to be written to remedy Protestantism’s historical amnesia.

 

A Young Boy and the Flow of History

The seed for Saints and Scoundrels was planted when as a eleven year old boy, Robin Phillips, visited the Berlin Wall.  He wrote in the Preface:

Robin Phillips then

When I was eleven years old, I traveled to West Germany with my family. I will never forget the afternoon my dad drove us to the wall separating West and East Germany. The electric fence dividing the free world from the “evil empire” looked ominous. 

As we emerged from the car, we were met by a chill, drizzling rain. On the other side of the fence a lone guard stared gloomily at us. The rest of my family had their picture taken in front of the fence but I was too afraid to venture near. A few minutes later I plucked up the courage and asked my dad to photograph me next to the terrible barrier, or as close to it as I dared approach.

 

A few years later, he saw the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of communism. This had a profound impact on Robin Phillips. He wrote further in the Preface:

Robin Phillips

In toppling His enemies, God does not work alone but uses the faithfulness of His people throughout the ages to accomplish His purposes. From my perspective as a young boy, it seemed as though the collapse of communism had come out of the blue. Since then, I have had the opportunity to study the men and women of faith who played a part in the accomplishment of God’s plans. 

 

We are all part of the flow of history. Some people think history is boring and irrelevant to faith in Christ, but reading Saints and Scoundrels will make us come away with an appreciation of how the moral choices people make affect the flow of history and how God exercises his sovereignty and redemptive grace in history.

 

Overview of Saints and Scoundrels

This book is not conventional church history.  Major historical figures like Thomas Aquinas, Martin Luther, and John Calvin are passed over.  It is, rather, a collection of biographical sketches arranged in chronological order.  As the title implies the book covers both the high and low points of Western history.

Robin Phillips is attempting to present something similar to Hebrews 11, the biblical chapter that recalls the heroes of the faith. The book aims to present a Christian worldview through positive and negative moral examples.  It also presents the Christian worldview exemplified through a wide range of vocations: theology, politics, charity, literature, drama, and cross-cultural missions.  In his Preface Phillips states: “What is just as important as defeating or converting God’s enemies is the positive work of building up the culture of Christendom (p. 13).”  To further reinforce the book’s pedagogical function at the end of each chapter is a list of discussion questions and a personal challenge question.  The book assumes that one already has a grasp of basic Christian doctrine and values.

 

My Evaluation

Robin Phillips’ prose is clear and accessible to a general audience, but I was confused at times about whom his intended audience was.  The occasional bolded terms for the glossary seem to be aimed a high schoolers or first year college students.  But there are parts where Phillips presents complex ideas like cultural Marxism which is more appropriate to college students.

I wished Robin Phillips had provided an introduction and an epilogue to provide an overarching thematic unity for the book.  George Grant’s “Introduction” seems to me more of a foreword.  It would have been good if Phillips took some time to discuss the method behind his selections.  There is an implicit agenda conducted through his selections.  Nearly half of the chapters (eight out of twenty) deal with characters from England and another two from Scotland.  This is not necessarily a flaw or a weakness but it does need to be addressed openly in either the introduction or epilogue.  A parent or instructor perusing the book needs to know these things at the outset.

The selections seem to be guided by a concern for the cultivation of a Christian worldview.  The selections are at times surprising and illuminating.  As a product of modern American culture I especially benefitted from the chapters on Alfred the Great, King John, William of Orange, and J.S. Bach.  I was pleasantly surprised to find the inclusion of the Frankfurt School of critical theory.  As a product of modern liberal education I am well acquainted with this school of thought.  This is an influential school of thought that young Christians need to be prepared to deal with.  It seems to this reviewer that in selecting extremes like Jean Jacques Rousseau and Antonio Gramsci, Phillips quietly passed over moderate liberals like Thomas Jefferson and John Locke.  This gives the selections an antinomic black versus white quality that can give an unbalanced view of history.

Theologically, the book assumes an irenic “mere Christian” stance.   While Robin Phillips often took an overtly didactic tone in his biographical sketches, theological issues were handled with a light touch.  One example of the book’s didactic tone can be found in the introduction to the life of George MacDonald: “One important lesson we learn from MacDonald is that beauty was never meant to be an end in itself, but something that points us beyond the universe to God and His goodness” (p. 246).  Phillips describes Dietrich Bonhoeffer as a “highly complex thinker” and “heterodox” (p. 263).  This is very mild language that fails to alert the young reader to the liberal elements in Bonhoeffer’s theology that has upset conservative Protestants.  See Michael Hoffman’s review on Amazon.

From an ecumenical standpoint the book is biased towards Protestantism but is balanced by the inclusion other Christian traditions, e.g., Eastern Orthodox Christians like Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn.  It would have been good if someone from the Roman Catholic tradition were included in Saints and Scoundrels.  The late Pope John Paul II, who helped bring about the downfall of Communism, could have served as a complement to the Orthodox Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn.  Father Damien De Veuster is an example of a life of sacrificial service to those rejected by society.  In the 1800s the Hawaiian kingdom was predominantly Protestant (Calvinist Congregationalist), but it was a Roman Catholic missionary priest from Belgium who is remembered more than a century later for his ministry of compassion to the Hawaiians under medical quarantine due to Hansen’s disease.  He known today as Saint Damien of Molokai, a “martyr of charity.”

As an Orthodox Christian I was especially interested in what Robin Phillips had to say about Irenaeus of Lyons and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn.  He did a good job describing how Irenaeus defended the Christian Faith against the Gnostic heresy.  He drew attention to the fact that Christian truth is public truth safeguarded by means of apostolic succession. But more attention could have been given to the fact that Irenaeus stressed the visibility and universality of Christian truth — that no matter where one went throughout the Roman Empire one would hear the same confession of faith.  Irenaeus’ emphasis on visible church unity is a necessary corrective to the widespread belief among Protestants that the true church is the invisible church and that the plurality of doctrines among Protestant denominations is tolerable.

 

Orthodox Eucharist

Robin Phillips noted that Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn was deeply influenced by the rhythms and rituals of Orthodox worship (p. 318).  But such a cursory description does a disservice to most Western readers who are unaware of the rich and profound nature of the Orthodox Liturgy.  Many first time visitors have commented on the deep spirituality of Orthodox worship.  There is a well known story how the pagan ruler Vladimir of the Kievan Rus sent envoys to investigate the religion of the neighboring countries.  Of the Orthodox worship at Constantinople the envoys reported: “We no longer knew whether we were in heaven or on earth, nor such beauty, and we know not how to tell of it.”  Unless the reader has a glimmer of the deep spirituality of the Orthodox Liturgy, they will not be able to understand what religion means for an Orthodox Christian like Solzhenitsyn.

With respect to the discussion questions I believe that Robin Phillips ought to have raised the question about the US now having the largest prison population and the highest prison population rate in the world.  If the United States has now become the new gulag archipelago what does it say about the moral health of our country and about the moral influence of Christianity?

The Glossary seems to be a vocabulary builder for high schoolers.  The inclusion of basic vocabulary items like “deft,” “ecclesiastical,” “ecumenical,” and “egalitarian” struck me as unnecessary as they can be easily looked up with a pocket dictionary or Googled by those with wifi connections.  Also, there were some missed opportunities.  For example, Phillips did not include important terms like: “heterodox,” “materialism,” “modernism,” “romanticism,” and “secularism.”  It is important that young Christians have a good understanding of these ideas when they enter into the intellectual marketplace of academia.

The “Bibliography and Sources” section will be useful for those who wish to do further reading.  The entries are eclectic ranging from ancient primary sources like Josephus’ Jewish Antiquities and the Jewish War, nineteenth century works like Philip Schaff’s History of the Christian Church, to modern scholarly works by major publishing houses like Cambridge University Press.  Also included are URLs to blog postings written by Phillips and others.  However, this section is not comprehensive.  A quick glance showed some major omissions, e.g., Robert M. Grant’s Irenaeus of Lyons (1997) and Eric Metaxas’ Bonhoeffer: Pastor, Martyr, Prophet, Spy (2011).  Despite these limitations the entries are suitable for the intended audience.

 

Recommendation

A widespread problem among many Christians today is the ignorance of church history and their Christian cultural heritage.  Saints and Scoundrels is recommended for Christians who wish to learn about the Western Christian heritage and those who want to strengthen their Christian worldview.  This book works best as: (1) a supplementary reading for a Christian secondary school or (2) Christian parents who want to acquaint their teenage children with a Christian approach to history, culture, and morality.

Robert Arakaki

 

Additional Links

Order Saints and Scoundrels from Canon Press

Posting:   Response to Robin Phillips — “Are Calvinists Among the Gnostics?”

Posting:   Response to Robing Phillips “Questions About St. Irenaeus and Apostolic Succession.”

 

Response to Michael Horton

Three Views

Response to Michael Horton — Are Eastern Orthodoxy and Evangelicalism Compatible?   NO

 

Rev. Michael Horton

Rev. Michael Horton

In this blog posting I will be responding to Pastor Michael Horton’s chapter in Three Views on Eastern Orthodoxy and Evangelicalism “Are Eastern Orthodoxy and Evangelicalism Compatible?   NO.”

Pastor Michael Horton is a prominent leader among Reformed Christians.  His position is that Eastern Orthodoxy and the Reformed faith are incompatible.

Horton divides his essay into two parts: Range of Agreements and Range of Disagreements.  I will be structuring this review differently discussing first the material principle (core beliefs) of  Pastor Horton’s theology then the formal principle of his theology (source of beliefs).

 

I. Material Principle — Justification By Faith Alone

Pastor Horton identifies the core difference to be Protestantism’s material principle: justification by grace alone through faith alone because of Christ alone (p. 128).  For Horton the principle of sola fide is so important that any moderation of this principle is tantamount to apostasy.  He writes:

Any view of union and recapitulation that denies that the sole basis for divine acceptance of sinners is the righteousness of Christ and that the sole means of receiving that righteousness is imputation through faith alone apart from works is a denial of the gospel (p. 137; emphasis added).

The Orthodox response to Horton’s position is four fold: (1) we affirm justification by faith, (2) we deny justification by faith alone (sola fide), (3) from the standpoint of historical theology sola fide is a doctrinal novelty, something never taught by the church fathers, and (4) by making sola fide the litmus test of orthodoxy Protestantism has introduced a divisive element into Christianity.

 

I.A. Orthodox Affirmation of Justification by Faith

The Confession of Dositheus (1672) represents the Orthodox Church’s official response to Reformed theology.  In it we find ample proofs of the Orthodox Church’s belief in justification through faith in Christ.  Decree VIII contains a description of Christ’s salvific death on the Cross that any Evangelical would assent to:

We believe our Lord Jesus Christ to be the only mediator, and that in giving Himself a ransom for all He hath through His own Blood made a reconciliation between God and man, and that Himself having a care for His own is advocate and propitiation for our sins (Leith pp. 490-491).

That the Orthodox Church teaches justification by faith is clear in Decree IX:

We believe no one to be saved without faith.  And by faith we mean the right notion that is in us concerning God and divine things, which, working by love, that is to say by (observing) the Divine commandments, justifieth us with Christ; and without this (faith) it is impossible to please God (Leith p. 491).

The Orthodox Church affirms justification by faith in Christ because it is taught in Scripture.  The Lectionary lists Romans 5:1-10 as the epistle reading for the third Sunday after Pentecost and Galatians 2:16-20 as the epistle reading for the twenty first Sunday after Pentecost.  These readings are obligatory for all Orthodox churches.  In them we learn that through faith in Christ we are justified and reconciled to God.  Therefore, justification by faith is not a hidden or overlooked teaching in the Orthodox Church.

 

I.B. Orthodox Rejection of Justification by Faith “Alone

The Confession of Dositheus also makes it clear that the Orthodox Church rejects sola fide:

We believe a man to be not simply justified through faith alone, but through faith which worked through love, that is to say, through faith and works (Decree XIII, Leith p. 496-497).

This is consistent with Scripture.  Nowhere does Scripture teaches justification by “faith alone.”  The only place in Scripture that has the phrase: “faith alone” (πιστεως μονον) is James 2:24, or its equivalent: “faith apart from works” (η πιστις χωρις των εργων) in James 2:20 or 2:26, or “faith by itself” (η πιστις…. καθ εαυτην) in James 2:17.  James’ epistle is most pertinent to the sola fide controversy because it speaks directly to the issue of faith versus good works.  For James faith without works is “dead” (2:17), “useless” (2:20), or “like a body without the spirit” (2:26) (NIV translation).

When we read Romans and Galatians we need to keep in mind that in most instances “works” refer to the good deeds enjoined by the Jewish Torah.  Paul was not referring to good deeds that would earn us merit before God; this medieval understanding of good deeds is alien to first century Christianity.  When Paul wrote about righteousness in Romans and Galatians he had in mind covenantal righteousness.  The Orthodox Study Bible has the following explanatory note that addresses the polarization of faith and works:.

Justification–being or becoming righteous–by faith in God is part of being brought into a covenant relationship Him.  Whereas Israel was under the old covenant, in which salvation came through faith as revealed in the law, the Church is under the new covenant.  Salvation comes through faith in Christ, who fulfills the law.  (“Justification by Faith” in the Orthodox Study Bible, p. 1259)

The root meaning of “righteousness” is “right relationship.”  The major issue facing the early Church was whether one could have a “right relationship” with God apart from the Jewish Torah.  In other words, could the Gentiles have a right relationship or covenant standing just on the basis of faith in Jesus as the Christ?  The Judaizers answered in the negative; Paul answered in the affirmative.

 

I.C. Justification by Faith Alone From a Historical Standpoint

Probably what upsets Horton is Orthodoxy’s willingness to allow a plurality of paradigms for explaining our salvation in Christ: economic, therapeutic, covenantal, military, pedagogical, and forensic.  The early Church dogmatized on Christology and the Trinity but it did not dogmatize on soteriology.  Protestantism assumes that there was a clear and definite teaching of sola fide in the early church, but the historical evidence does not support that assumption.  Justification was not a theological issue in the pre-Augustinian tradition (McGrath 1986a:19).  Alister McGrath’s magisterial Iustitia Dei: A history of the Christian doctrine of Justification draws attention to the fact that for the first three hundred fifty years the church’s teaching on justification was “inchoate and ill-defined” (see McGrath 1986a:23). J.N.D. Kelly notes that there were a variety of competing theories of salvation in the early church, even within the same theologian! (1960:375)  In other words, the early Church did not teach sola fide!  If Pastor Horton wishes to dispute these observations all he needs to do is provide evidence from the Church Fathers or councils in support of sola fide.

Much of the early Christians’ understanding of salvation was influenced by the Incarnation.  This is the idea of Christ as the Second Adam recapitulating or summing up human existence.  J.N.D. Kelly wrote in Early Christian Doctrines:

Running through almost all the patristic attempts to explain the redemption there is one grand theme which, we suggest, provides the clue to the fathers’ understanding of the work of Christ.  This is none other than the ancient idea of recapitulation which Irenaeus derived from St. Paul, and which envisages Christ as the representative of the entire race.  . . . .  The various forms of the sacrificial theory frankly presupposes it, using it to explain how Christ can act for us in the ways of substitution and reconciliation.  The theory of the Devil’s rights  might seem to move on a rather different plane, but it too assumes that, as the representative man, Christ is a fitting exchange for mankind held in the Devil’s grasp (1960:376-377).

This linking of our salvation with Christ’s Incarnation can also be seen in the Nicene Creed:

For us and for our salvation He came down from heaven and was incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary and became man (Emphasis added).

This line is the only place where the word “salvation” (σωτεριαν) is used in the Nicene Creed.  It is telling that the word salvation is linked especially with the Incarnation.  It is important that the word “Incarnation” not be read narrowly, but broadly, that is, encompassing Christ’s birth, life and ministry, but also his death on the Cross and his third day Resurrection.  Where Protestants tend to base salvation in Christ’s death on the Cross, Orthodoxy base our salvation in the totality of the arc of Christ’s Incarnate existence.

The difference of opinion between the Orthodox and Protestantism can be traced to the different historical trajectory of their respective theologies.  The Byzantine East never experienced a controversy similar to the one over Pelagianism in the Latin West.  It is important to keep in mind that Anselm of Canterbury’s Cur Deus Homo introduced a strong forensic emphasis to Western Christianity.  This influential paradigm was published in 1097, after the Great Schism of 1054.  Then there took place a wide ranging and in depth discussion about soteriology in medieval period which would result in Western Christianity moving further away from its patristic roots.  (See chapter 3 “The Plan of Salvation” in Pelikan’s The Growth of Medieval Theology, Vol. 3) In these discussions “works” came to be understood in the context of moral law, not the Jewish Torah.  Especially pivotal was the debate over meritum de condigno (an act that was worthy of divine acceptance) versus meritum de congruo (an act that was accepted because of the mere generosity of God) (See Oberman’s The Harvest of Medieval Theology 1963: 471-472, 42-44). Out of these wide ranging discussions would emerge the backdrop for Protestantism’s distinctive soteriology.

Horton’s reading of Romans is based upon the assumption that Paul was writing about justification as freedom from good works, not in a more narrow sense of freedom from the Jewish ceremonial law (McGrath 1986a:22).  McGrath notes about the earliest known Latin commentary on Romans composed by “Ambrosiaster“:

Most modern commentators on this important work recognise that its exposition of the doctrine of justification by faith is grounded in the contrast between Christianity and Judaism: there is no trace of a more universal interpretation of justification by faith meaning freedom from a law of works — merely freedom from the Jewish ceremonial law (McGrath 1986a:22).

With respect to the novelty of sola fide Jaroslav Pelikan noted that while the Protestant Reformers used terms familiar to earlier Christians: “church,” “gospel,” and “grace,” they understood these terms in ways unrecognizable by their predecessors (1984:128).  Alister McGrath makes the following observations about the novel nature of the Protestant understanding of justification:

The most accurate description of the doctrine of justification associated with the Reformed and Lutheran churches from 1530 onwards is that they represent a radically new interpretation of the Pauline concept of ‘imputed righteousness’ set within an Augustinian soteriological framework (McGrath 1986b:2; emphasis added).

The Protestant understanding of the nature of justification represents a theological novum, whereas its understanding of its mode was not.  It is therefore of considerable importance to appreciate that the criterion employed in the sixteenth century to determine whether a particular doctrine of justification was Protestant or otherwise was whether justification was understood forensically  (1986a:184; italics in original).

Thus, one important reason why such a huge gap in understanding exists between the Reformed tradition and Eastern Orthodoxy is the fact that where Orthodoxy remained close to it patristic roots, the Protestant understanding of the Gospel reflects the considerable theological evolution that took place in western medieval Catholicism.

While the Protestant Reformers believed they recovered the gospel, what they did was to turn a novel doctrine sola fide into a dogma.  It is a novelty because none of the early Church Fathers taught sola fide; and it is a dogma in that the Reformers used it as a litmus test determining whether or not one’s theology is authentically Christian.  For the Orthodox the notion of a novel dogma is an oxymoron, an absurdity.  The dogmas — fundamental beliefs — can never be novel because they must be rooted in the apostolic teaching and accepted by the patristic consensus or affirmed by an Ecumenical Council.  What Horton and the Reformers have done is to elevate a novel interpretation of Augustinian soteriology to a fundamental dogma like the Trinity and by making it a litmus test for orthodoxy alienated themselves from the early church.

 

solafidetop

Crucifixion – Western Depiction

I.D. Is Orthodoxy Opposed to the Forensic Model?

The forensic paradigm is so important to Horton that he writes:

If we do not grasp the representative, legal, covenantal nature of Paul’s argument with reference to the imputation of original sin, we cannot comprehend the imputation of Christ’s perfect obedience as the second Adam.  That is to say, original sin and justification are bound up together as corollaries in this passage, and to misunderstand one is to misunderstand the other (p. 160).

Eastern Orthodoxy has never denied the forensic element of our salvation in Christ.  Rather it is reluctant to make the forensic paradigm the benchmark for theological orthodoxy as was done by the Reformers.  It may be that Horton’s experience with contemporary Orthodox theologians has led him to believe that Eastern Orthodoxy is averse to the forensic paradigm of salvation.  If that is the case then it is possible that what he experienced was unfounded anti-Western prejudice which would be regrettable.

Crucifixion - Eastern style

Crucifixion – Eastern style

Horton quotes Irenaeus of Lyons’ Adversus Haeresis 5.16 (p. 133) to show that the forensic paradigm is part of the early Church teaching and there is no reason why it should not be part of contemporary Orthodox theology.  I agree with Horton that Irenaeus used forensic concepts to explain Christ’s death on the Cross.  My disagreement with Horton lies with his assumption of sola fide; nowhere did Irenaeus assert sola fide — justification by grace alone through faith alone.  If Pastor Horton believes that I am mistaken, he needs to point to the relevant passages in Irenaeus’ writings.

Irenaeus of Lyons was just one of the many church fathers.  Daniel Flood’s “Substitutionary atonement and the church fathers” which was published in the Evangelical Quarterly provides a useful and nuanced overview of what various church fathers did and did not teach regarding substitutionary atonement.

Horton cites Callinicos’ catechism as evidence that Orthodoxy does have a place for a forensic approach to salvation (p. 125).  I would note that stronger evidence for the forensic paradigm is to be found in the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom.  In the Completion Litany the congregation prays for the “Forgiveness of our sins and offenses” and for a “good defense before the dread judgment seat of Christ.”  The Words of Institution over the bread — “Take, eat, this is my body which is broken for you for the remission of sins.” — uses forensic language.  Orthodox Christians are constantly reminded of their depravity by the Pre-Communion prayer: “I believe, Lord, and confess, that you are truly the Christ, Son of the living God, Who came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am the greatest.”  It should be noted that while the Orthodox Liturgy uses forensic language, it does not present salvation exclusively in terms of forensic justification. Horton’s failure to draw on Orthodoxy’s liturgical tradition indicates that he is not ready to deal with Orthodox Christians on their own ground.  It is important in any Orthodox-Reformed dialogue that differences in theological method be addressed along with differences in doctrine.

Reformed Christians who want to assess the Orthodox teaching on salvation in Christ need to be aware of how much Protestant beliefs color their reading of Scripture.  Horton points to Colossians 2:13-15 as evidence of the forensic paradigm (p. 132).  He notes that “public spectacle” refers to a courtroom scene.  But the Greek here δειγματιζω refers to a victor displaying the spoils of war (See Reinecke’s Linguistic Key to the Greek New Testament, Kittel’s Theological Dictionary of the New Testament Vol. II p. 31).  Horton’s faulty reading of the Greek text undermines his single minded reading of the Pauline text and weakens his argument.  He ends up simplifying the complexity and diversity of what the Bible teaches.

 

I.E. Orthodox Doctrine of Synergism

Horton notes that while he takes care to distinguish Eastern Orthodox soteriology from that of Roman Catholicism, what binds the two is the principle of synergism.  (Note: “synergism” comes from the Greek “syn” = “with” and “erg” = “work” or “energy”; similarly “cooperate” comes from the Latin “co” = “with” and “opera” = “to do” or “to act.”)  He writes:

We do not deny that we cooperate with God’s grace and, by receiving the means of grace (Word and sacrament), grow into maturity in Christ, but we do deny that we can cooperate in our own regeneration (i.e., awakening to God) and justification (i.e., acceptance by God), our will being enslaved to sin until God graciously frees it to embrace Christ and all his benefits.  We are not declared righteous because we have cooperated with God’s grace; we are justified “freely by his grace” (Rom. 3:24) so that we can.”  (p. 161; emphasis in original).

The Reformed tradition does not deny any and all forms of cooperation with divine grace, just with respect to our justification and regeneration.  He writes, “It is trusting in Christ’s merit alone, not in our cooperation with grace, that we are justified.” (p. 135).  Orthodoxy takes the position that we must respond to God’s gracious initiative in order for us to be saved.  The assumption here that human nature retains the capacity to respond to God’s grace even if the human soul is wounded and corrupted by the Fall

This insistent denial of synergism is closely linked with the belief in man’s total depravity resulting from the Fall.  The doctrine of total depravity has its roots in Augustine’s interpretation of the Fall.  It should be kept in mind that Orthodoxy and Western Christianity have quite different understands of the Fall.  Where Augustine and the West assumed that Adam fell from perfection into utter depravity, Irenaeus and Eastern Orthodoxy believed that Adam fell from a state of immaturity into corruptibility.  The Augustinian interpretation was not widely accepted by the early church fathers and never became part of the patristic consensus.  With the collapse of the western half of the Roman Empire, Latin Christianity became especially dependent on one theologian, Augustine, resulting in a narrowing of its doctrinal framework.  McGrath notes that the Protestant Reformation’s “radical anti-Pelagianism” is an extreme stance that is at odds with the early Church Fathers (see McGrath 1986a:183).

 

I.F. Original Sin

Icon of the Fall of Mankind

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Horton criticizes Orthodoxy for having an inadequate view of sin (p. 129).  To make his case he points out that Orthodoxy’s “relational” understanding of salvation has led to the neglect of the “forensic” dimension of salvation (pp. 130-133).

Orthodoxy has many healthy emphases, but its denial of the full seriousness of sin and its consequently high appreciation for the possibilities of free will keep it from recognizing the heart of the gospel (p. 139).

The Orthodox understanding of Original Sin stands somewhere between the two extremes of (1) Pelagius who saw sin as an outward act transgressing the law and who held that man was free to choose to sin or not to sin and (2) Augustine who believed that because we were born sinners we lacked the capacity to do good.  The Orthodox understanding of Original Sin is that the guilt of the original transgression was imputed to Adam alone.  It believes that the original transgression severed humanity’s primordial communion with God subjecting Adam’s body and soul to corruption and mortality, and that as his descendants we inherited from Adam a fallen human nature.  While profoundly affected by the Fall the human race still retained an awareness of God and an awareness of our calling to do good (Romans 1:18-20, 2:14-15).

Horton takes issue with Fr. Berzonsky over the nature of Original Sin.  He engages in an exegesis of Roman 5:12-17 drawing attention to Paul’s phrase: εφ ω παντες ημαρτον “because all sinned.”  For Horton this passage is important because if he can prove the forensic nature of the Original Sin — that Adam’s guilt was imputed to his posterity — then he can make the case for salvation in Christ as the imputation of his righteousness to those who believe in him.  He writes:

How can I be a victim of death’s reign even if I did not commit exactly the same sin as Adam, the very conclusion that Father Berzonsky is unwilling to reach?

Paul’s answer seems to be that I was there with Adam covenantally–“in his loins,” as it were. Even though I was not personally present, I was representatively present in Adam (p. 160; italics added).

One problem with Horton’s reading of Romans 5:12-17 is that Paul did not use the word “covenant” (διαθηκη) in this passage; he did not do so until Romans 9:4 and 11:27.  What Horton is attempting to do here is to impose a certain understanding on Paul’s explanation of how Adam’s sin resulted in humanity’s subjection to death and corruption. Pastor Horton seems to be reading Romans from the standpoint of federal theology, a school of thought developed by Johannes Cocceius (1603-1609).  While closely associated with Reformed theology, the notion of humanity’s loss of original righteousness being a consequence of Adam’s first sin as the covenantal head of the human race is alien to patristic theology (see G.N.M. Collins’ “Federal Theology” in Evangelical Dictionary of Theology).  McGrath notes that covenant theology represents a post-Calvin development in Reformed theology and had the effect of moving Reformed doctrine away from Calvin’s Christological approach to soteriology (1986b:40-41).

 

I.G. Church Governance

As a Protestant Horton has a low view of the episcopacy.  He attributes the Eastern Orthodox office of the bishop to the exigencies of the gnostic controversy (p. 127).  However, he fails to mention another very early witness to the episcopacy, Ignatius of Antioch‘s letters (written between 98 and 117).  If anything, Ignatius took an even more extreme position insisting that nothing be done apart from the bishop.  Another early witness to the episcopacy is Eusebius’ Church History which is filled references to the bishops as successors to the apostles.

Horton’s insistence that direct Biblical evidence be presented for the episcopacy is tendentious.  There is no clear cut biblical evidence either for congregationalism or presbyterianism.  The fact is Paul’s letters prior to his death show him urging his protégés, Timothy and Titus, to guard the apostolic teaching and to rule over the congregations under their care.  There is no evidence that the early church practiced a congregational or presbyterian form of church governance.  But there is ample historical evidence in support of the Eastern Orthodox practice.

As a Protestant Horton is skeptical of Eastern Orthodoxy’s claim to apostolic succession.  His argument that the Galatian churches defection to the Judaizing heresy undermines confidence in apostolic succession (p. 142) is really a straw man argument.  So far as we know the Apostle Paul never anathematized any of the congregations in Galatia and the controversy was in time resolved at the Jerusalem Council (Acts 15).  Apostolic succession in Orthodoxy does not rely solely on formal succession of office.  For Eastern Orthodoxy apostolic succession cannot be reduced to mere ritual of laying on of hands.  There must also be faithfulness to the Apostolic teaching (II Timothy 2:2, 1:13).

When it comes to apostolic succession there are two choices: (1) the monarchy of the Roman papacy or (2) the conciliarity of Eastern Orthodoxy.  Protestants have no historical basis for claiming apostolic succession.  Horton’s complaint about the pluralism of the early Church, councils contradicting councils as well as church fathers contradicting each other is immature whining (p. 127).  What he seems to want is a clear cut and rational means by which one can systematically list which councils and church fathers were orthodox which ones were not.  His criteria seems to reflect medieval Scholasticism’s obsession with the construction of logically consistent theological systems.  The Orthodox approach is organic and embodied; it is rooted in a theological consensus that is grounded in the historic Church.

 

Greek New Testament

Greek New Testament

II. Formal Principle — Scripture and Tradition

Horton asserts that both traditions are compatible on the grounds of formal principle.  He points to the fact that the Reformed tradition and the Orthodox are both confessional, utilizing the ecumenical creeds and their respective confessions (p. 118). He also points to Calvin drawing upon the Church Fathers just like the Eastern Orthodox do (p. 119).  Horton writes: “One might say that Scripture is the teaching, and tradition is the teacher.” (p. 119)  Despite the proximity of the Reformers’ high regard for the early Church Fathers, the fact is the formal principle of the Protestant Reformation is sola scriptura.  We find this Horton articulating sola scriptura in the classic sense:

No conscience may be constrained beyond the Word, but the faithful acknowledge the importance of submitting to the church and agreeing together in a unity of confession. (p. 120)

Horton objects to the Orthodox conception of an infallible Scripture being interpreted in light of an infallible tradition asking:

Having an infallible tradition to interpret an infallible text only leave us with deeper difficulties.  Who interprets the infallible tradition? (p. 128)

The Orthodox approach to theology is based upon the belief that the Christ promised the Holy Spirit to guide his Church into all truth.  Infallibility is a property of the Holy Spirit, the third Person of the Trinity, who inspires Scripture and indwells the Church, the Body of Christ.  The Church is understood to be a divine institution founded by Christ.  The Confession of Dositheus lays out the Eastern Orthodox understanding that the Holy Spirit inspires both Scripture and Tradition.  It goes on to note that because it is indwelt by the Spirit of truth, the Church is infallible.  Decree II of the Confession of Dositheus states:

Wherefore, the witness also of the Catholic Church is, we believe, not of inferior authority to that of the Divine Scriptures.  For one and the same Holy Spirit being the author of both, it is quite the same to be taught by the Scriptures and by the Catholic Church.  ….  …it is impossible for her to in any wise err, or to be at all deceive, or be deceived; but like the Divine Scriptures, is infallible, and hath perpetual authority (Decree II, Leith p. 487)

Pastor Horton identifies the Protestantism’s material principle — sola fide — as the key difference between the Reformed and Eastern Orthodox traditions, but I am of the opinion that he underestimates the role of Protestantism’s formal principle as the dividing issue between the two sides.

 

ConclusionAwkward Initial Encounters

The Reformed-Orthodox dialogue in Three Views on Eastern Orthodoxy and Evangelicalism is part of a kairos moment.  Orthodox and Reformed Christians are like two distantly related cousins who recently discovered each other and are becoming reacquainted.  Their separation was the result of a messy family split that took place long ago (the 1054 Schism).  As a result of this separation they acquired different habits, values, and ways of doing things.  Initial encounters can be awkward.  Differences in dress, eating habits, and verbal expressions were often quickly criticized leading to hurt feelings and misunderstanding and stereotypes.  We find a range of reactions from the Orthodox contributors to Pastor Horton’s chapter.  Bradley Nassif views the problem in terms of an “imbalanced agreement” (p. 146), Edward Rommen notes a strange dissonance of simultaneous agreement and disagreement as he read Horton’s chapter (p. 155), and Vladimir Berzonsky’s curt dismissal that Horton had “no real comprehension of Orthodox Christianity” (p. 149).  As both sides continued to reach out to the other and their relationship will soon move to a different level.

One cultural difference between the Orthodox and Reformed traditions is the way they do theology.  One problem I have with Horton’s presentation of Orthodox doctrine is his research method, especially his reliance on obscure Orthodox theologians.  He cites from V. Palachovsky, Constantine Callinicos and Constantine Tsirplanis authors I never heard of until I read his chapter!  I am also bothered by his unfamiliarity with the conciliar and patristic approach that underlie Orthodox theology.  What is especially puzzling about the book is the failure by Horton and his fellow respondents to draw on the Confession of Dositheus as a source document for the Eastern Orthodox perspective (See Leith 1963).  His frequent citation of modern Orthodox academic theologians rather than liturgical, patristic, and conciliar statements impedes Reformed-Orthodox dialogue.  He needs to give reasons for his research methods if he wants to bypass the Orthodox patristic and conciliar approach to doing theology.  One last note about theological research; on page 129 in note 23 Horton cites Augustine’s Confession Bk 21 chap. 27 but Confessions has only 13 books!  It would be much appreciated if he were clear up the matter.

The other chapters of Three Views provide valuable insights as well.  Bradley Nassif raises an important issue of piety or spiritual life.  He supports Horton’s call for Orthodoxy to recognize the “evangelical character of the church’s theology” (p. 148).  Nassif is worried that due to a neglect of “the importance of preaching personal salvation through faith in Christ and the need for personal Bible study and personal piety” many cradle Orthodox and even converts will leave Orthodoxy for Evangelicalism (p. 148).  Nassif’s belief that Evangelical piety can enrich Orthodox Christians evidence a willingness among Orthodox to learn from Evangelicalism.

In closing, I agree with Pastor Horton that Evangelicalism and Eastern Orthodoxy, despite the common ground between the two traditions, are incompatible.  By compatible, I mean Eucharistic union.  Differences in material and formal principles mean that ecumenical dialogue should aim at mutual understanding and respect, but not ecclesial union.  I view Pastor Horton’s chapter in Three Views on Eastern Orthodoxy and Evangelicalism as another beginning step in the dialogue between the Reformed and Orthodox traditions.  Even as we discuss our differences, we need to affirm the common ground that we share in Scripture, the church fathers, Christology, and the Trinity.  Civility and mutual respect between the two traditions will be much needed in the future as both sides face an increasingly post-Christian society.

Robert Arakaki

 

See also: Michael Horton’s podcast: “The Lure of Eastern Orthodoxy” and a response by Fullness of Orthodoxy blog.

Bibliography

Collins, G.N.M.  1984. “Federal Theology.” In Evangelical Dictionary of Theology: 413-414.  Walter A. Elwell, editor.  Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Book House.
Kelly, J.N.D.  1960.  Early Christian Doctrines.  Revised edition.  New York: Harper & Row, Publishers.
Leith, John H. ed.  1963.  Creeds of the Churches: A Reader in Christian Doctrine From the Bible to the Present. John H. Leith, editor.  Third edition, 1982.  Atlanta, Georgia: John Knox Press.
McGrath, Alister E.  1986a.  Iustitia Dei: A history of the Christian doctrine of Justification: The Beginnings to the Reformation.  New York: Cambridge University Press.
__________.  1986b.  Iustitia Dei: A history of the Christian doctrine of Justification: From 1500 to the present day.  New York: Cambridge University Press.
Oberman, Heiko A.  1963.  The Harvest of Medieval Theology: Gabriel Biel and Late Medieval Nominalism.  Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Academic.
Pelikan, Yaroslav.  1978.  The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of DoctrineVolume 3The Growth of Medieval Theology (600-1300).  Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
__________.  1984.  The Christian Tradition: A History of the Development of DoctrineVolume 4Reformation of Church and Dogma (1300-1700).  Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

 

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